Posts Tagged ‘ Charles Sumner ’

Bierstadt Comes Back East

Albert Bierstadt photographed by Bierstadt Brothers, ca. 1875. (Carte de Visite. Smithsonian Museum of Art.)

Albert Bierstadt photographed by Bierstadt Brothers, ca. 1875. (Carte de Visite. Smithsonian Museum of Art.)

The reputation of Nineteenth Century American painter Albert Bierstadt (1830-1902) differs depending which camp you belong to. Art critics and art-for-art’s-sake connoisseurs generally find his work derivative, lacking a personal artistic vision and even in compositional and technical fundamentals. Painter John F. Weir, for example, described his large canvases as “vast illustrations of scenery … carelessly and crudely executed … .” Contemporary English critics (when Bierstadt showed his works in London) found his bright colors in bad taste. Later in the century, as art became mrs of a calling than a profession, Bierstadt’s reputation as an aesthete was harmed because he had quite intentionally, and astonishingly successfully, sought after popular acclaim and pecuniary fortune.

On the other hand, historians of American culture (particularly those who incline towards American exceptionalism) as well as collectors (wealthy patrons then, mostly museums now) hail Bierstadt as something of  visual discoverer of the American West and as something of a second generation seer of Romantic American Transcendentalist—one of those who saw in Nature America’s promise and, as Robert Hughes claimed, who produced the “paintings that did the most to promote the image of the Manifest Destiny … .” Elizabeth Mankin Kornhauser (curator of the American Wing of the Metropolitan Museum) puts it a bit more prosaically: “Bierstadt’s depictions of the little-known scenery of the American West appealed to the new industrial upper middle class, who valued their great size and virtuoso workmanship as well as their celebration of America’s seemingly limitless natural resources.”

Among the Sierra Nevada, California by Albert Bierstadt (Oil on canvas. 1868. Smithsonian American Art Museum)

Among the Sierra Nevada, California by Albert Bierstadt (Oil on canvas. 1868. Smithsonian American Art Museum)

If you know Bierstadt at all, you probably know him from these oversized landscapes of the west, such as Among the Sierra Nevada, California at the Smithsonian, which is representative of his dramatic (and sometimes flamboyant) landscapes. This one is actually better than representative. E.P. Richardson (the late director of the Detroit Institute of Art) noted that “When his big dramatic pictures do not come off, they are dreadful. when they do, they have an excitement for us still after one hundred years: what must they have meant when all this was really new, to the eyes of his own time!” The Sierra Navada canvas at the Smithsonian is one of the very best, but when seen in small reproductions today, it has a commercial, even kitsch quality to it, like something in a chain hotel hallway. But on first encountering it, its massive size (it measures 72 x 120 1/8 in. (183 x 305 cm)) makes the apparent burst of light from the center top of the image appear transcendent. If it had been made 300 years earlier, the Lord of Hosts would have appeared in the middle of it. That light, just over the shoulder of a snow-capped peak in the center background, dramatically illuminates the cliffs on one side and the trees on the other, both of which tower over a line of deer in the foreground. The first impression is of coming over a hill as the sun is breaking from behind cloud cover to reveal a pristine valley of unsurpassed beauty. You can imagine this painting’s appeal to wealthy Eastern industrialists who wanted to make a dramatic statement about  their own importance (and wealth), by having such a work  grace the wall of their estate. And so, in this case, it did. This particular Bierstadt was acquired by William Brown Dinsmore in 1873 and installed in “The Locusts,” the family estate in Duchess County, New York, before it ended up a national treasure.

Rocky Mountains, Lander's Peak by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1863. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.)

Rocky Mountains, Lander’s Peak by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1863. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.)

On seeing more of these works, it’s hard to shake the conclusion that Bierstadt had stumbled upon a lucrative and methodical way of prying loot from the overlords of the Gilded Age. The pictures seem more and more alike the more one sees. Take an earlier painting at the Met, Rocky Mountains, Lander’s Peak. The picture is slightly larger than the last one (73 1/2 x 120 3/4 in. (186.7 x 306.7 cm) and the sky lacks the dramatic cloud cover. But otherwise, there is still the same burst of light in the center, and there is a row of ungulates in the foreground. (This picture, however, is not of pristine countryside; there are structures by Native Americans behind the animals.) There is no obvious source of the spotlight in the center. It can’t be the sun, since the shadows of the figures are not consistent with light in that space. But the light, however unexplainable, serves the same function as the sun in Among the Sierra Nevada: It opens up and spotlights the most physically dramatic aspect of the landscape, in this case a waterfall. And once again, it is perfectly suitable for sale to those most likely to pay the highest price.

Mount Corcoran by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvass. ca. 1876-77. Corcoran Museum of Art, Washington, D.C.

Mount Corcoran by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvass. ca. 1876-77. Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.)

Let’s look at one more example, Mount Corcoran, which hangs at the Corcoran Gallery in Washington, D.C. As with the other two, there is a central body of water, in front of a mountain range. In this case there is only one animal, a bear (?) apparently seeking a drink. Once again the light peaks through the clouds, although this time, the shadows show the source of the sunlight. The picture, like the other two has geological uplifts and trees to cradle the central focus, the lake. And as with the other two, that lake is fed by a waterfall from the mountains in the central background.

The odd thing about Bierstadt’s marketing of the paintings was that despite the fairly uniform overall composition of the landscapes, he insisted that the paintings were not works of artistic imagination, but rather accurate renderings of specific places.  This evidently mattered to his customers, who believed they were purchasing views of nature rather than works of genius. The desire for verisimilitude was so strong that it even deceived sophisticated collectors. Mount Corcoran was sold to William Wilson Corcoran with a War Department map showing the location of the purported mount. When the gallery’s curator several days later discovered that the mountain was a fiction, Bierstadt was unapologetic, claiming that he named the peak.

It’s one thing for an artist to hit on a formula and stick with it for money. Picasso, after all, spent most of his last three decades amassing a fortune that way. Of course, Picasso had a substantial body of work and innovation (among the greatest in the history of art) before 1940. What was Bierstadt’s body of work before the Western Canvasses? The exhibition entitled “Albert Bierstadt in New York & New England” at the Mattatuck Museum in Waterbury, Connecticut (through March 2) gives a good sample of his early, and Eastern work. In fact, to my knowledge it is the only show that has every tried to examine his non-Western works in any systematic way. Before looking at the works in this exhibition, however, it’s probably best to give some biographical context.

Albert Bierstadt in trick double photograph by Charles Bierstadt. (From Carte de visite album of Edward Anthony. Photograph dated 1861. Metropolitan Museum of Art.)

Albert Bierstadt in trick double photograph by Charles Bierstadt. (From Carte de visite album of Edward Anthony. Photograph dated 1861. Metropolitan Museum of Art.)

Bierstadt spent his early life in New Bedford, Massachusetts, after his family emigrated in 1831 from Solingen, a city in the Rhenish provide of the Prussian Kingdom, especially know for its blacksmith (and whitesmith) industries. Albert’s father took up the trade of cooper in the new city, a hub of maritime activity. Albert’s two brother became successful photographers, although they first had to escape their apprenticeships to useful trades. Charles (the oldest) set up shop at the Niagara Falls and Edward (two years younger than Charles and 6 years older than Albert) had a studio in New York City and also took photographs during the Civil War, based from a tavern in Virginia. Edward and Charles would later form the firm of Bierstadt Brothers, which, holding a patent on a new form of stereoscope, had considerable publishing success. (One exhibit at the Mattatuck show shows a book of the Biernstadts’ stereoscopic prints with a viewer cleverly built into a flap on the book’s cover. Both brothers would Both these brothers would play a role in Albert’s career, by providing photographs form which Albert could paint landscapes in his studio and also by producing engravings of Albert’s paintings.

The cooperage business must have become relatively prosperous, because there is no evidence that Albert was ever shunted off to an apprenticeship. He was allowed to develop (almost certainly alone) his talent for making crayon drawings, and in his early 20s for oil painting. He gave drawing lessons for his support. His advertisements promised to show pupils how to make creditable drawings after the first lesson (“good pictures at their first attempt, far superior to their own expectations”). That is perhaps the first clue to the entrepreneurial inclination that guided his (and his brothers’) art.

Captain William G. Blakler by Chester Hardin (?) (Oil on canvas. ca. 18-5. The Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Massachusetts.)

Captain William G. Blackler by Chester Hardin (?) (Oil on canvas. ca. 1830-35. The Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Massachusetts.)

Bierstadt’s pictures evidently impressed locals enough to sponsor his trip to Germany for intensive art education. Bierstadt had exhibited several times, had sold paintings to locals and even produced exhibitions for others, he twice produced George Harvey’s watercolor show using a magic lantern, which dissolved pictures into one. (None of his work before traveling to Europe seems to have survived, however.) As a result of Bierstadt’s local fame and probably to enhance his own reputation as a leading citizen and wealthy patron of the arts, Captain William G. Blackler provided the funds for Albert to travel to the Rhenish province to study in Düsseldorf with Johann Peter Hasenclever, an artist of some modest renown. The choice of master was probably not based on any familiarity with his works. In fact, an artist less sympathetic to the what would become Bierstadt’s signature style would have been hard to find.

Evening Society by Johann Peter Hasenclever. (Oil on canvas. 1859. Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne, Germany.)

Evening Society by Johann Peter Hasenclever. (Oil on canvas. 1859. Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne, Germany.)

Hasenclever specialized in the intricacies of human relations and his gaze was always fixed on small social groups. He was not particularly interested in the beauty of nature, whether delicate or grandiose. Light was used to model the human form, not cause the heart to flutter at the first gaze at a dramatic landscape.

Bierstadt sought out Hasenclever mainly because he had a connection—Hasenclever was Bierstadt’s mother’s cousin. But when Bierstadt arrived in Düsseldorf, he learned that Hasenclever was dead. Not daunted, Bierstadt applied to American painters Emanuel Leutze (recently famous in America for exhibition of his Washington Crossing the Delaware Fame) and Worthington Whittredge (who would later return to American to be part of the Hudson River school of painters), asking their recommendation for him to study with the landscape painter Andreas Achenbach. They reviewed the work he had brought as audition pieces from America and concluded he had no talent. To preserve his self-respect, they told him Achenbach did not take students.

Study for Sunlight and Shadows by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1855. Newark Museum, Newark, N.j.)

Study for Sunlight and Shadows by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on paper mounted on canvas. 1855. Newark Museum, Newark, N.j.)

None daunted, Bierstadt bucked down to a life of an anti-social hermit (to avoid the expense that sociability would entail) and studied for several months at Whittredge’s studio. He then went off on his own to be among the Westphalian peasants to draw. When he returned in the fall, Whittredge marveled at his accomplishments, particularly admired “one very remarkable study of sunlight on the steps of an old church which some years afterwards was turned into a picture that gave him more fame than anything he had painted.” Wittredge was as impressed by the amount of work Bierstadt had produced as by its quality, especially given that he was essentially untutored.

Whittredge was right to single out the study for Sunlight and Shadows; it represents the peak of a style that Bierstadt would abandon when he fixed on his popular style. It examines the effect of sunlight, filtered through the leaves of a tree (not seen). The light and shadows model the statues and columns and gives a sense of real place, a solidness that isn’t conveyed in his gigantic western landscapes, even though those paintings deal largely with views of massive rock structures. It has a visual intricacy to it that his later works would shun in favor of flamboyance.

Sunlight and Shadow by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1862. de Young Museum, San Fransisco, California.)

Sunlight and Shadow by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1862. de Young Museum, San Fransisco, California.)

The study was not improved upon by his principal painting on the subject, which he completed seven years later. The principal difference is that he added the tree that produced the shadows to the composition. The tree, however, has an unreal quality to it, stylized, like the trees in many of his epic canvases. The second painting also has a peasant woman sitting on the stairs leaning on the pedestal of the foremost statue cradling a sleeping child. The figures were undoubtedly added for a touch of sentimentality, but as in almost all Bierstadt’s work, the face is obscured and the people play essentially an ornamental role. The romanticism that the figures injected into the study of light, however, is what attracted its first acclamation. Reviewing an exhibition of the work submitted to the annual April show at the National Academy of Design in New York in 1862, the critic of the New-York Evening Post (at the time a respectable newspaper) called the work “probably the most perfectly satisfactory pairing the artist has ever produced.” He especially pointed out the “old woman sated on the step of the church, which a sleeping child on her lap” which made the “whole work” “one of the happiest delineations of noonday repose which we have ever seen.” Bierstadt by this time had finger on the commercial pulse and used that knowledge to his advantage.

Bierstadt remained in Europe for four years, including extended stays in the Bernese Alps and in Italy. He return din the late summer of 1857 and set about establishing himself. He set up a studio in New Bedford and advertised for students to learn monochromatic painting. (He got four.) He converted his European studies to oils and showed them in his hometown, Boston and made his first submission to the National Academy of Design. (It was a picture then called Lake Luzerne, which now cannot be identified.) The New York papers gave his work missed reviews, and one, The Crayon, though commending his “command of landscapes,” remarked on his tendency shown from this beginning to use large canvasses: “The same ability on a smaller scale would be more roundly appreciated.” That painting was one of the centerpieces of a show he mounted in New Bedford he called “An Exhibition in Painting,” which in addition to 14 of his own works, included paintings of Frederick E. Church, Thomas Cole, J.F. Cropsey, Emanuel Leutze, and Andreas Achenbach.

His interest in visual devices (like the Magic Lantern) led him to tinkering with the stereograph camera.  He conceived the idea that its use in the American West would allow him to create landscapes that would be commercial valuable in the East. So he decided by the end of 1858 to join Colonel Frederick West Landler’s annual survey of western routes and native relations for the Overland Trail. He intended to specialize in wild scenes and “picturesque facts of Indian life.” His trip lasted through most of 1859. He met the party in St. Louis and travelled through the territories as far away as to what is now Wyoming. When he returned he took up residence at the new (and soon to be famous) artist Studio Building on West 10th Street in New York City. He was also able on his return to reduce his brothers from their failed work working business. (During his trip the valuable wood inventory in their shop had been destroyed by fire.) They became photographers and stenographers thereafter.

Beirstad worked on his Western canvases in his New York studio, but me with only moderate success over the next few years. His contributions to the National Academy Exhibitions went unnoticed. His first found no buyers and he gave it away. He tried his hand a war photography. In the fall of 1861 under pass from General Winfield Scott he and Leutze and his brother Edward visited the area around Washington, D.C. Back in New York he converted his sketches and photos into paintings. He even did a sprawling landscape showing the bombardment of Fort Sumter (in a distance from the Charleston harbor, as he imagined it perhaps from Harper’s Weekly illustrations of it).

The Bombardment of Fort Sumter by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1963? Union League of Philadelphia.)

The Bombardment of Fort Sumter by Albert Bierstadt. (Oil on canvas. 1963? Union League of Philadelphia.)

Not having mastered how to render the human form, much less a figure in motion, Bierstadt’s combat pictures were unconvincing and his landscape approach was unable to capture the drama, horror or tragedy of the conflict. In any event, Bierstadt was not interested in the Union cause. In 1862 he was beginning to receive critical attention (with his Sunshine and Shadow), and proposed another trip West. In 1862 he was beginning to receive critical attention (with his Sunshine and Shadow), and proposed another trip West. Evidently he was planning to go with Harvard paleontologist Alpheus Hyatt, when the latter graduated the following Spring of 1862. Bierstadt went to Washington to obtain a letter of recommendation to present to U.S. Army forts in the West. He prevailed on Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner to write a letter to the Secretary of War requesting that the U.S. “Govt. should do every thing possible to promote” Bierstadt’s expedition. It did not produce a result from the War Department. Bierstadt blamed Sumner. He expressed his contempt for the government’s excessive preoccupation with the war (which was not yet being fought for emancipation) and for Sumner in an outpouring of self-pity and racist bile to Hyatt: “I think if  Sumner had taken a little more interest int h matter in the outset we should have got what we wanted, but he seems to be so much absorbed in the Paleontology of the nigger that he forgets there are other fossils in other parts of the U.S. …” He cancelled his plans, and instead travelled to New Hampshire’s White Mountains to paint.

The next year Bierstadt was drafted in the call up of 1863. He paid the bounty to provide a proxy and thus avoided military duty. (Hyatt enlisted.  He would later become an eminent naturalist.) He decided that his fortune lie in another Western trip. This trip, which took place in 1863, was designed only for sketches and studies, no stereography. This expedition to him to Denver, Salt Lake City, Lake Tahoe, San Francisco, Yosemite, Portland and the Cascade Mountains. It was the landscapes that emerged from this trip that ensured his fame and fortune. These were the ones where he married his personal “luminism” to dramatic scenery. Over time it would become cliché, but before then he earned an astonishing amount of money. In 1965, he married and went on a 2-year honeymoon. When he returned he and his bride moved into the mansion he had constructed, Malkasten, in Irving-on-Hudson in Westchester County, New York. The estate had 35 rooms with a studio 60 feet long and with 35 foot tall windows overlooking the Hudson River. His father-in-law would build him another house in Waterville in Oneida County, New York, and Bierstadt would take temporary lodgings and studios in San Francisco, Paris and elsewhere. More than secure financially, Bierstadt would spend the rest of his life attempting to outdo the critical acclaim that Frederick E. Church had achieved. He would not succeed at this.

That is enough biography to put the Mattatuck exhibition in context. The show is a fairly small one, consisting of 17 paintings (and some stereographs in a glass case). The exhibition was organized by the Thomas Cole National Historic Site in Catskill New York, and curated by Annette Blaugrund (former director of the National Academy Museum). It consists of a representative grouping of Bierstadt’s works depicting scenes in New England and New York. The paintings range from shortly after his return from Europe in 1858 to 1886, when he had established his reputation (and his style had become ossified).  It focuses on landscapes that were not central to his ambition or his reputation, and thus show what his underlying craft was composed of. And when we no longer confront the intentional dramatic and the idiosyncratic uses of light, we can draw some conclusions about the art of Bierstadt.

The first thing that strikes one looking into Bierstadt’s early work is that there is no painting about the place he came from. New Bedford was the center of the New England whaling industry, the industry that his family depended on as was growing up. He never completed a painting about whaling vessels or the men involved in them, or the trades that supported them. In fact, there is no work about New Bedford at all. Bierstadt was always looking for the exotic, as those the place were the thing of interest, not the artists’ view of it.  When one looks carefully at what he finds interesting in his early pictures, one finds that he is harkening back to something, not in the landscape but in some image which looks similar to the vista he is painting.

Autumn in the Conway Meadows Looking toward Mount Washington by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 1858. Estate of Price Family.) * indicates that the work is being shown at the Mattatuck exhibition.

Autumn in the Conway Meadows Looking toward Mount Washington by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 1858. Estate of Price Family.) * indicates that the work is being shown at the Mattatuck exhibition.

The earliest paining in the exhibit is a good example. Autumn in the Conway Meadows is ostensibly about a specific place in New Hampshire. But on close inspection, things are out of place. First, the deer do not appear to be the white-tailed deer that inhabit the area. The buck’s antlers are too large and not branching. Rather they look more like deer common in Europe. Bierstadt’s inattentiveness to animal form is common. Around the same time he painted a historical painting he entitled Gosnald at Cuttyhunk, 1602, which can be seen at the Whaling Museum in New Bedford. The same deer are there, closer to the viewer, and it is even more obvious that they are not North American animals. Not only does the buck have the same non-native antlers, the doe does not have the characteristic white tail. Even in his Western pictures which were supposed to illustrate the “wild,’ his portrayal of animals is odd. The antelope are too long and the bear (for example, in Mount Corcoran, above) are too rounded, pig-like. Is this because he added the animals from some sketch he took of other work? That conclusion is strengthened when we look at the nearest mountain in the background of Autumn in Conway Meadows. There we see a distinctly looking European castle, one that doesn’t exist in New Hampshire. What was it doing there? Did Bierstadt not think the scene as it existed was interesting enough? Or was the castle simply part of what Bierstadt thought when with a distant mountain in a painting?

View near Newport by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 185. Currier Museum of Art, Manchester, N.H.)

View near Newport by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 1859. Currier Museum of Art, Manchester, N.H.)

The curiousness of his compositional sameness can be seen in the exhibit’s View Near Newport. Much as that painting evokes a particular place at a particular time, so much is it odd to compare it to an earlier work said to depict Capri, Fishing Boats at Capri, which hangs t the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. Not only is the point of view the same, with rising landmass to the (viewer’s) left and an ocean to the right, but also the ocean cuts the same kind of semi-circle into the land and holds the same sail-boats off in the distance. And the overcast sky is almost identical. The earlier painting in Boston, completed in 1857, presumably was based on sketches from his time in Italy. It also has many figures on shore, something that he eliminated over time. But how could such different places have such similarities to a supposedly realistic landscaper? It is of course not a crime to paint a landscape that really doesn’t exist, but why assign specific locations to them? Why purport to be showing what really can be seen? Was it simply because art consumers did not accept the artist as a creator? Or was it that Bierstadt was more comfortable repeating compositions and elements?

Mount Ascutney from Claremont, New Hampshire by Albert Biertstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 1862. Fruitlands Museum, Harvard, Massachusetts.)

Mount Ascutney from Claremont, New Hampshire by Albert Biertstadt.* (Oil on canvas. 1862. Fruitlands Museum, Harvard, Massachusetts.)

The show’s selections are all thoughtfully made and all produce questions to those who thought they knew Bierstadt. Even when easy truisms are presented, the show has enough context to shower doubt on them. At the center (temporally) of the exhibition are two views of Claremont, New Hampshire. One was pointed in 1862 (owned by the Fruitlands Museum) and another in 1868 (owned by the Berkshire Museum). That segment of Bierstadt critical opinion which holds that his work reflected some debt felt understanding of the country urged that the earlier one presented the Norther, Union cause as the one of peace and harmony and the later one reflected on the riven condition of our national fabric as evidenced by the broken trunks in the foreground. Even if one were ignorant of Bierstadt’s cavalier attitude toward the war to suppress the slaveholders’ rebellion, the juxtaposition of the two paintings demonstrates the absurdity of the distinction.

Connectiuct River Valley, Claremont, New Hampshire by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas as 1868. Berkshire Museum, Pittsfield, Massachusetts.)

Connectiuct River Valley, Claremont, New Hampshire by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on canvas as 1868. Berkshire Museum, Pittsfield, Massachusetts.)

The two views, six years apart, were not meant as a comparison. Bierstardt makes no reference to the earlier work either run composition or title. The fact that there are broken branches in the foreground of the later picture no more signifies a social comment than the broken tree in the (viewer’s) left mid ground in the earlier landscape. In any event, the cattle seem not less concerned, even if the grass is higher in the second painting.

Among the other works at the exhibit are four of the 200 or so studies for the large painting Emerald Pond, perhaps the only significant omission of an exhibition of Bierstadt’s Eastern paintings (which is now held in the Chrysler Museum in Norfolk, Virgina). Bierstadt painted this one monumental work of the East once he intuited the nostalgic appeal of a view of the pond to the wealthy vacationers at this White Mountain resort. The care he lavished on composing the work with its intricate studies , shows that despite the fact that Bierstadt’s primary goal was popular and financial rewards he was nonetheless a consummate craftsman in attaining his goals.

Autumn Woods by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on linen. 1886. New York Historical Society.)

Autumn Woods by Albert Bierstadt.* (Oil on linen. 1886. New York Historical Society.)

The last (chronologically) painting of the exhibit is his Autumn Woods (1886), normally seen in the New York Historical Society. The work shows a central lake surrounded by trees of flaming bright-colored foliage. It is the stylized ending of his mechanical production of landscapes. When the painting was shown in London, critics carped at the bright colors as though it were an offense against taste. The London Post‘s correspondent assured everyone that North American trees turned brilliant colors in the Fall. Like most journalistic critics, the Post‘s correspondent had not given enough reflection to the subject—verisimilitude was not something Bierstadt value (or even should have valued). The real question was whether the departure from verisimilitude was motivated by aesthetic or commercial considerations. The Mattatuck exhibit will give a good basis for making an informed decision.

The Mattatuck show runs until March 2. For those unfamiliar with the museum, rest assured that it is a serious, although small, one. If you Bierstadt is not enough to bring you to Waterbury (a city plagued by both de-industrialization and more than its share of political corruption), consider that the museum has an extensive selection of the Whitney’s Alex Katz works. There is no catalog of the works in the Bierstadt exhibit, so you must see them in person, if at all.

In addition, the area (which includes Hartford and the Five College towns of Western Massachusetts) has an extensive collection of the Hudson River School (of which Bierstadt is lumped, for reasons that involve collectors’ and curators’ preferences). If (as I suspect) you will not board Metro North to experience this footnote to art history, I hope to give shortly a summary of the art to be found there.

Sources

Nancy K. Anderson, Albert Bierstadt: Art and Enterprise (New York: Brooklyn Museum/Hudson Hills: 1990).

Sarah Cash (ed.), Corcoran Gallery of Art: American Paintings to 1945 (Manchester, Vt: Hudson Hills Press: 2011).

James Thomas Flexner, The Wilder Image: The Painting of America’s Native School from Thomas Cole to Winslow Homer (Boston: Little, Brown: [1962]).

Gordon Hendricks, Albert Bierstadt: Painter of the American West (New York: Harrison House with Harry N. Abrams, Inc: 1975).

Robert Hughes, American Visions: The Epic History of Art in America. (London: The Harvill Press: 1998).

Elizabeth Mankin Kornhauser & Amy Ellis, Maureen Miesmer (eds.), Hudson River School: Masterworks from the Wadsworth Atheneum Museum of Art (New Haven: Yale University Press: 2003).

Peter E. Palmquist, Pioneer Photographers from the Mississippi to the Continental Divide: A Biographical Dictionary, 1839-1865 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, ©2005).

 Edward P. Richardson, Painting in America (New York: T.Y. Crowell: 1956).

James Greenleaf Whittier and recasting anew the nation: “Ein’ Feste Burg Ist Unser Gott”

The frontispiece to a collection entitled Poems by John Greenleaf Whittier (Boston: Sanborn, Carter & Bazin: 1857)

As we approach April 12, the 150th anniversary of that fateful day when the renegades in South Carolina fired on the federal Fort Sumter on an island in the entrance of the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, we will begin to see the romanticization of the American Civil War play out once more. I say this as someone old enough to have seen the 100th anniversary and one who actually paid some attention to the festivities. There will be many myths spun to show that the men who fought were honorable on both sides. There will be plenty of reactionary sentiment hiding behind the romanticization of the Lost Cause. We’re seeing it already in attempts to have Mississippi issue license plates commemorating Nathan Bedford Forrest. As in all cases by Lost Cause romanticizers, there is indignation that anyone might think they were celebrating the more unseemly of a hero’s career—in this case that he committed what we would call a war crime by massacring black Union soldiers at Fort Pillow in Tennessee in 1864 or in becoming a wizard of the KKK after the war. No, that’s not it at all, they say, we only celebrate his military “genius.” Of course, even if he were pure as the driven snow, he was still a traitor who committed a capital crime in taking up arms against the United States.

Confederate romanticizers nicely sidestep the treason issue by characterizing the war as a difference of constitutional opinion. But even if you are willing to swallow this canard, there is the unpleasant fact that the rebelling states chose to test their constitutional theory in order to preserve the vilest system ever permitted in the United States—black chattel slavery. There will be a lot of hemming and hawing on that issue. Mumbled statements about imposing our morality on history; or assertions that the break was over larger issues of economy or political philosophy. It is all bunk. Southern slave owners acted as oligarchs in their own states and muscled their way to more power in the federal government than they deserved, all on the backs of slaves. True it is that slavery caused two differently organized economies in this country, but it was the slave-owning economy that was the distortion, that required expansion, that brutalized the owners and retarded innovation, entrepreneurship and the development of skilled labor. It was a system that had been consigned to the dustbin of history elsewhere in the Western World but tenaciously clung to in the treasonous states. The central importance of slavery to the traitorous conspiracy can be seen in the Confederate Constitution, where it is mentioned numerous times: giving slave-owners rights to travel in other states with full ownership rights in their slaves (Article IV §2(1)), debarring a state from enacting any provision to accord slaves in their jurisdiction relief from terms of servitude granted by another (Article IV §2(3)), requiring that in any new Territory acquired by the Confederacy slaveholding rights be recognized as they then existed in the Confederacy (Article IV §3(3)), and comprehensively: “No bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be passed.” (Article I §9(4)).

And while the North did not respond to the confederate treachery initially to end slavery, the confederates’ fear that it would eventually be snuffed out caused them to continue the warfare long enough that the Union eventually made it a war to end slavery. When the federal government made abolition its object, the South no longer had a chance in the struggle, because there could be no pretence that the struggle was over abstract constitutional issues. And the South lost all prospect of foreign support.

There was no question about what the fight was about to the first and (with the exception of Robert Frost) only popular group of American poets, the so-called Fireside Poets. They were all but one abolitionists, with varying degree of heat—Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, William Cullen Bryant, James Russell Lowell, John Greenleaf Whittier; and the one who was not an ardent abolitionist, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr., at least rejected the idea that the South could secede to protect it. These men wrote when poetry was supposed to be popular, and they were good at that aspect of it. Popularity eschews innovation and relishes the expected. Even so, they were able to produce interesting verse more often than one would have suspected under the circumstances.

Of this group John Greenleaf Whittier was the outlier. The others were by training and taste intellectuals. Whittier came from a poor family and was not well-schooled. He was not an agile thinker, nor was thinking or expressing himself creatively his initial goal for a career. Of course he did not intend on becoming a dirt farmer like his father. He once thought of elective politics as a career. He even purposely set about limiting his expression of opinion until he had fully treated the subject internally. Even then, it was said, he slowly reached anything out of the common. Nevertheless, he lost his first election to the state assembly in 1832, and the defeat sorely depressed him. He was elected in 1835 and even re-elected. But by that time he had acquired his true calling because he had fallen into the orbit of the great Garrison.

William Lloyd Garrison by unidentified artist. Oil on canvas, ca. 1855 (National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution).

William Lloyd Garrison was an elemental force of nature, so necessary to this country that had he not existed God would have had to invent him. Before Garrison there was little thought given to the morality of Southern slavery even in states that had long abolished the practice. After Garrison, the whirlwind. It is very comforting to us to point to past moral beacons to show our propensity for creating them. In fact, we crush almost every one of them in the bud; it is that a few survive that is the wonder. Of course, there were numerous attempts to crush Garrison. He was once imprisoned in Baltimore. A mob attempted to lynch him in Boston. In a display of how threatening that even the idea of abolition was to its social organization, Georgia’s legislature put a price on Garrison’s head—$5,000 no less. (The act showed other things about Georgia’s legislature as well.)

None deterred, Garrison would follow the dictates of the logic of his conviction. In May 1954 Congress passed the infamous Kansas-Nebraska Act. But to New Englanders, even worse, a federal judge in Boston ordered the return of a fugitive slave—an order which required federal troops to enforce. The Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society organized a rally for July 4, 1854, in Framingham, where William Lloyd Garrison, Sojourner Truth, and Henry David Thoreau would speak. Summoning full-throated Old Testament prophesy from Isaiah, Garrison said that the compromise with slavery made the U.S. Constitution “a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell.” And he set a copy on fire. And a copy of the judge’s order sending the fugitive slave back to slavery. And a copy of the Fugitive Slave Act. “And let all the people say, Amen!” Garrison preached. And over and over came the response. The Amens continued to Harper’s Ferry and beyond.

Garrison didn’t teach Whittier morality. The little education Whittier got from home was firmly rooted in Quaker beliefs. Whittier never lost his sense of Christian duty or his love of man or his belief that all men were children of God. He knew intrinsically that “[i]nasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done it unto me.” It didn’t take his friend Garrison to teach him morality. Garrison showed him, however, that morality can be a calling.

From Souvenir of Whittier (Boston: B.B. Russell: 1892)

Garrison published Whittier’s first poem, sent by his sister when Whittier was still a boy, and gave Whittier an early job in journalism. But Whittier did not become an abolitionist as a result. He was more concerned with establishing a career. Garrison saw Whittier develop as editor and poet and decided to lay siege to him. Not until 1833 did Whittier surrender. That year he went all in with the abolitionists with his self-financed pamphlet “Justice and Expediency; or Slavery Considered with a View to its Rightful and Effectual Remedy, Abolition.” The piece was not a tepid argument on the evils of the system. It was a strongly worded jeremiad indicting Northerners as accomplices:

Members of one confederacy, children of one family, the curse and the shame, the sin against our brother, and the sin against our God, all the iniquity of slavery which is revealed to man, and all which crieth in the ear, or is manifested to the eye of Jehovah, will assuredly be visited upon all our people. Why, then, should we stretch out our hands towards our Southern brethren, and like the Pharisee thank God we are not like them? For so long as we practically recognize the infernal principle that “man can hold property in man,” God will not hold us guiltless. So long as we take counsel of the world’s policy instead of the justice of heaven, so long as we follow a mistaken political expediency in opposition to the express commands of God, so long will the wrongs of the slaves rise like a cloud of witnesses against us at the inevitable bar.

It was not enough to contribute to the colonization society (who were in any event enablers of the system) or to try to boycott products made with slave labor. Immediate abolition was the only act that would provide redemption was immediate abolition.

Frontispiece to Bliss Perry, John Greenleaf Whittier: A Sketch of his Life (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co: c1907): “From a miniature by Porter about 1838”

His own print run produced 500 copies. A New York philanthropist had it reprinted in the Anti-Slavery Reporter in September 1833 at an initial run of 5,000 copies. A wealthy Quaker in Rhode Island had it copied into the Providence Journal. His name became known and equated with the cause.

Abolition would be Whittier’s career for the foreseeable future. His poetry switched from romances and idylls to poetry written for the cause, beginning with “Champion of those who groan beneath / Oppression’s iron hand,” published in the Haverhill Gazette, then “Toussaint L’Ouverture,” then “The Slave Ships.”

Controversy is not conducive to popularity, and so Whittier had to give up his burgeoning occupation as a money-making poet and popular writer. “For twenty years I was shut out from the favor of booksellers and magazine editors, but I was enabled by rigid economy to live in spite of them — and to see the end of the infernal institution which proscribed me. Thank God for it.” (To Margaret Burleigh, 14th 7th mo. [July 14], 1866 in Samuel T. Pickard, Life and Letters of John Greenleaf Whittier (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co: 1895), vol 2, p 505. [“Pickard”])  His efforts during the period were almost exclusively devoted toward writing for and editing abolitionist publications and organizing abolitionist activities. In 1833 he was a delegate to the first National Anti-Slavery Convention in Philadelphia, became one of the Secretaries of the Convention and assisted in drafting the declaration of sentiments. He said that he was prouder of his work here than of anything else he ever wrote. Lewis Leary, John Greenleaf Whittier (NY: Twayne Publishers, Inc: c1961), p 42.

There was never much subtlety in Whittier’s views. He judged men and ideas on their fidelity to his view of religion. By his lights, Thomas Paine was a “fearful warning” to anyone on the “threshold of skepticism.” (Essex Gazette, January 2, 1830.) Shelley was engaged in “dissipation” when he stole away “the pure affections of an innocent school girl” in order to render “her a suitable companion for the accursed of Heaven”. His wife was a daughter of “the licentious, the profligate and shameless Mary Woolstoncraft!” (Id. February 27, 1830.) The “illustrious” Jefferson, by definition, could not have been an infidel given how Whittier otherwise regarded him. Therefore, in light of his actual writings, Whittier says “whatever may have been his speculative belief, Thomas Jefferson was not a practical Infidel” and gives his letter to Quaker Canby as a testament. (Id. April 17, 1830.) Lord Byron, of course was an infidel, and therefore “the prodigal gift of Heaven, became in his possession a burthen and a curse. He was wretched in his gloomy unbelief; and he strove, with that selfish purpose, which the miserable and unprincipled feel, to drag his fellow beings from their only abiding hope …” (These and others of his critical writings as an editor are collected in Edwin Harrison Cady & Harry Hayden Clark, eds., Whittier on Writers and Writing (Syracuse University Press: c1950).)

But it was that kind of simple, black-and-white view of morality and divine law that allowed Whittier to tenaciously attack slavery despite the physical risk that increased over time. He saw Garrison attacked and dragged through the streets as though he were about to be lynched. He himself was attacked with stones at a speech. An English activist he sponsored was tracked by a mob and had to be hid at his farm in Haverhill. The building in Philadelphia in which he conducted an abolitionist press (the Pennsylvania Freeman) was burned down. Through it all he only became more convinced at the righteousness of the cause. But it bowed him down. He had always been sickly and prone to migraines, and this greatly aggravated it all. Plus the movement was having a crisis over tactics. Whittier sided with political activism and non-violence; Garrison believed in moral suasion and retaliation (Satan’s business against Satan’s business, Whittier called it).

Whittier home in Amesbury from W. Sloan Kennedy, Life of John Greenleaf Whittier (rev. ed.) (Chicago: Werner Co: c1895)

By 1840 he moved his mother and sister (for whom he took responsibility despite his straightened finances) from their homestead in Haverhill to Amesbury, Massachusetts. He  became something of a backroom political activist. He was among the founders of the Liberty Party, which became the Free Soil Party, which in turn became part of the winning Lincoln coalition. He was a corresponding editor of abolition journals. He remained a devoted Quaker—his Amesbury home was much closer to the meetinghouse than his boyhood home—even though the Quakers as a group had rejected abolitionism preferring to not meddle in the matter with others now that they had concluded that slavery was an un-Christian practice among themselves. But he devoted time now to the simple, lyrical poetry that would support his family and achieve him fame. He continued to write abolitionist verse. In 1837 his first volume came out, but evidently without close supervision by him: Poems Written during the Progress of the Abolition Question in the United States, between the Years 1830 and 1838 (Boston: Isaac Knapp: 1837). Though Whittier later belittled the edition for its poor editing, it received high praise at the time of its publication from the Boston Quarterly Review:

“Mr. Whittier is a poet; and what we love him for is, that he is an American poet. We mean not merely that he was born and lives in the United States. The word American means more than this to us; and our countryman is far other than he who may chance to have been born on the same soil with ourselves. Where freedom is, there is America; where the freeman is, there is our countryman. We call Mr. Whittier an American poet, because his soul is filled and enlarged with the American Idea; the Idea which God has appointed the American people to bring out and embody; the Idea of universal freedom to universal man; the great doctrine that man equals man the world over, and that he who wrongs a man wrongs his equal, his brother, himself, a child of God. This is the American Idea. The mission of the American people is to realize this Idea, and to realize it for the world. He who is not inspired by this Idea, and who embodies it not in his song, is no American poet. . . .

The American poet is not only the poet of Liberty, but of Liberty in a new and enlarged sense, in a sense the world has never yet comprehended it, and in which it never has, and out of this country never could have had a poet. Liberty, in the American sense of the word, is not national independence, is not the power to choose our own form of government, to elect our own rulers, . . . ; but the realization of justice and love in the case of each individual member of the human race. It is the liberty which surrounds even the minutest right of the obscurest and most insignificant man, with the bulwarks of sanctity, and secures to every man, whether white, red, or black, high or low, rich or poor, great or small, the free exercise of all the rights and faculties, which God has given, and in the precise order in which the Creator designed them to be exercised. It is the ‘perfect law of liberty,’ developed and universally applied and obeyed. It is liberty in this sense he must sing, who would be an American poet.

In this sense, Mr. Whittier is an American poet. It is in this sense, that he understands the word liberty.” (Review, 1 Boston Quarterly Review 21 at 23-25 [Orestes Augustus Brownson, editor]).

In 1846 Voices of Freedom (Philadelphia: Thomas S. Cavender: 1846) was published. Four years later he published Songs of Labor and Reform (Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields: 1850). But he also began writing pieces designed to charm and amuse including prose collections of fables of New England, romances and poetic idylls. His seclusion so put him in touch with popular taste that in 1849 a complete collected edition of his poetry was issued by B.B. Mussey & Co. of Boston. For the first time he was paid an advance ($500) and given royalties. He then began producing popularly well received volumes of verse on a regular basis.

Whittier ca. 1840-60. Ambrotype from Boston Public Library.

This did not end his political involvement, however. In 1850, he helped engineer one of the more significant coalitions in Massachusetts politics—he helped join the Free Soil Party with the Democratic Party under the agreement that the Free Soilers would support George S. Boutwell for governor and the Democratic legislators would vote for the Free Soilers’ candidate for U.S. Senate. After Boutwell won, Whittier was instrumental in persuading his friend, Charles Sumner to accept the selection. But the Democrats balked. Whittier was both humiliated and infuriated and even suggested Sumner withdraw. In the end, however, public pressure, elevated by warm opposition to the Fugitive Slave Law, forced the legislature’s hand and Sumner was elected on the 26th ballot by a one-vote majority. Sumner would remain steadfast against slavery until it was eventually defeated. He remained a U.S. Senator until his death nearly 23 years later. (Pickard, vol 1, pp -351-54.) Whittier would also continue writing for an abolitionist journal, this time, The National Era, a periodical with vast influence in the North. By 1860 Whittier was selected an Elector for Massachusetts and delivered his vote for Abraham Lincoln.

When South Carolina and the other Deep South states seceded, Whittier wrote a poem that surprised some: “A Word for the Hour,” which essentially said: Let them go. Others like Greeley, publicly and others, including Salmon Chase, privately, were thinking the same thing: it’s not worth a war to keep them, and they can’t survive on their own anyway.

Then came the firing on Fort Sumner, and there was no longer a question to be resolved. Even a Quaker like Whittier was now a Christian Soldier. By the summer he had written an abolitionist lyric to Martin Luther’s great Reformation battle hymn, “A Mighty Fortress is Our God.” At least one Friend had become a Fighting Quaker, like during the English Civil War. Not all violence arose from the lust of men.

The Hutchinson Family Singers, 1845. Daguerreotype by unknown photographer. Gilman Collection, Metropolitan Museum of Art.

The Hutchinson Family Singers from New Hampshire, the first “left leaning” folk singers in the United States, had begun singing four-part a capella tunes in 1840 (after a European group dazzled American audiences). Originally singing European songs (and originally a quartet), the Hutchinson Family Singers gradually developed a repertoire of songs supporting progressive causes, such as temperance, women’s rights, workers’ rights, and above all, the abolition of slavery. Like so many others their activism was first fired by Garrison. They toured the North extensively. Teaming up with Frederick Douglass they even visited England in 1845.

By Lincoln’s Inauguration, they were at the height of their renown. After the disaster at Bull Run, they obtained permission to entertain and inspire the Union soldiers stationed in Virginia. They took up Whittier’s words to Luther’s hymn at a performance at a church in Fairfax, Virginia. A fight supposedly nearly broke out. In any event, General McClellan (who had very limited views of the nature of the federal response to the rebellion) revoked their permit claiming their propaganda, which advocated the end of slavery and suggested the South’s motive was solely to preserve the institution, went beyond the objectives then prevailing.

On returning to Washington they described their treatment to Salmon Chase who read the poem at a cabinet meeting. Lincoln approved and said that it was exactly what he wanted the troops to hear. The Hutchinson Family Singers were again given permission to entertain the troops. W. Sloan Kennedy, Life of John Greenleaf Whittier (rev. ed.) (Chicago: Werner Co: c1895), pp 129-30. Lincoln told a reporter later that he recalled the poem when he was drafting the Emancipation Proclamation.

Whittier would collect this poem in his volume In War Time and Other Poems (Boston: Ticknor & Fields: 1864).

Ein’ Feste Burg Ist Unser Gott
Luther’s Hymn

from the New-York Independent (July 1861)

by John Greenleaf Whittier

WE wait beneath the furnace-blast
The pangs of transformation;
Not painlessly doth God recast
And mould anew the nation.
Hot burns the fire
Where wrongs expire;
Nor spares the hand
That from the land
Uproots the ancient evil.

The hand-breadth cloud the sages feared
Its bloody rain is dropping;
The poison plant the fathers spared
All else is overtopping.
East, West, South, North,
It curses the earth;
All justice dies,
And fraud and lies
Live only in its shadow.

What gives the wheat-field blades of steel?
What points the rebel cannon?
What sets the roaring rabble’s heel
On the old star-spangled pennon?
What breaks the oath
Of the men o’ the South?
What whets the knife
For the Union’s life?—
Hark to the answer: Slavery!

Then waste no blows on lesser foes
In strife unworthy freemen.
God lifts to-day the veil, and shows
The features of the demon
O North and South,
Its victims both,
Can ye not cry,
“Let slavery die!”
And union find in freedom?

What though the cast-out spirit tear
The nation in his going?
We who have shared the guilt must share
The pang of his o’erthrowing!
Whate’er the loss,
Whate’er the cross,
Shall they complain
Of present pain
Who trust in God’s hereafter?

For who that leans on His right arm
Was ever yet forsaken?
What righteous cause can suffer harm
If He its part has taken?
Though wild and loud,
And dark the cloud,
Behind its folds
His hand upholds
The calm sky of to-morrow!

Above the maddening cry for blood,
Above the wild war-drumming,
Let Freedom’s voice be heard, with good
The evil overcoming.
Give prayer and purse
To stay the Curse
Whose wrong we share,
Whose shame we bear,
Whose end shall gladden Heaven!

In vain the bells of war shall ring
Of triumphs and revenges,
While still is spared the evil thing
That severs and estranges.
But blest the ear
That yet shall hear
The jubilant bell
That rings the knell
Of Slavery forever!

Then let the selfish lip be dumb,
And hushed the breath of sighing;
Before the joy of peace must come
The pains of purifying.
God give us grace
Each in his place
To bear his lot,
And, murmuring not,
Endure and wait and labor!

Longfellow’s melancholy Christmas of 1863

Longfellow with his wife, Frances “Fanny” Elizabeth Appleton with Charles and Ernest, ca. 1849. (Photo from the National Park Service, Longfellow National Historic Site)

The Christmas song “I Heard the Bells on Christmas Day” was arranged and set to music by John Baptiste Calkin, but it was based on a poem that Henry Wadsworth Longfellow wrote on Christmas Day 1863. Calkin removed the two stanzas relating to the war, thus gutting the meaning in order to add to an already over-filled canon of treacly Christmas tunes.

The war of course had by that time turned out much more brutally than any of the New England abolitionists had imagined. Even after the Union was required to resort to arms, the objectives were only slowly realized. On January 1, 1863, the Emancipation Proclamation was signed, but it did not cover the 800,000 slaves outside the rebelling states. And every military victory cost so much blood, yet didn’t seem to bring an end closer. By the end of 1863, despite the victories of Gettysburg and Vicksburg in July, the war was proceeding with grim and determined ferociousness. By winter the Union optimism of summer had turned into discontent.

Longfellow, though he condemned slavery, was never the fire-breathing abolitionist that most New England intellectuals were. But his close friend, Senator Charles Sumner, certainly was. He not only harshly condemned the slave measures pursued by the Southern Democrats and the violence that slavery supporters incited, he delivered scathing descriptions of pro-slavery politicians, including fellow Senators. In his famous “Crime against Kansas” speech in May 1956, Sumner described Senator Andrew Butler as the Don Quixote of the slavocracy and Senator Stephen Douglas his Sancho Panza. He also pointed out Butler’s physical deformity and claimed Douglas had a mistress–“the harlot Slavery.” On reading the speech, Longfellow wrote his friend: “At last the spirit of the North is aroused.” Southern chivalry was also roused. Two days after the speech, Butler’s cousin, Preston Brooks, a congressman from South Carolina, approached Sumner who was writing at his desk in the nearly empty Senate chamber and clubbed him repeatedly with his cane. Sumner nearly died. The incident sealed the Northern view of Southern Democrats as irrational thugs who would stop at nothing to spread slavery.

Years before, in 1842, Longfellow had published for Sumner a very thin book of abolitionist poems, Poems on Slavery (Cambridge: John Owen: 1842). It contained only eight poems, all very mild by Sumner’s standards. In fact, Longfellow himself said that the poems were “so mild that even a slaveholder might read them without losing his appetite for breakfast.” Nevertheless, activist Elihu Burritt proposed to print selections from the volume and distribute them in tracts in hundreds of thousands of copies. He wrote: “When the millions of our American bondsmen are brought out of their Egyptian prison-house by a mighty hand & outstretched Arm, they shall sing your ‘Slaves Dream’ ‘The Witnesses’ & ‘Quadroon Girl’ by the other shore of their Red Sea of captivity.” (November 6, 1843; quoted in Merle E. Curti, “Henry Wadsworth Longfellow and Elihu Burritt,” 7 American Literature 315, at 318-19 (November 1935).) As a result of this book, Longfellow was asked to take a more active role in the anti-slavery movement, but he declined. Privately, however, Longfellow used funds from royalties of his popular poems to buy freedom for slaves.

Longfellow would closely follow the politics of the impending dissolution carefully over the years from Sumner’s caning. He in fact wrote “Paul Revere’s Ride,” a clarion call for the Union which had just elected Lincoln, in time for Christmas 1860 (and published in The Atlantic Monthly). There would be a new Revolution, wrote Longfellow.

Fanny Appleton. “My morning and my evening star of love!” Longfellow wooed her for 7 years. The fire that took her is said to have started when she was melting wax to seal envelopes containing her childrens’ hair. Longfellow couldn’t save her though he tried. (from Wikipedia)

But the war did not quickly solve the moral crisis. Rather, it brought long anguish to the country and deep personal grief to Longfellow. In April shortly after the bombardment of Fort Sumner, Virginia voted to join the rest of the seceding states, striking a deep blow at the prospect of a quick resolution of the treason. In May Britain ominously declared its neutrality. But for Longfellow the greatest tragedy of all took place in July when his wife Fanny died in an accident that caught her clothes on fire. Longfellow tried to put the fire out, but she had severe burns all over her body. She lived through the night, and died the next day. Longfellow had been burned trying to smother the flames, so was unable to attend the funeral. He tried to drown his grief in laudanum upon which he became so dependent that he feared he would be committed to an asylum.

And even that was not the end of his sorrows. In 1863 his son, Charles Appleton Longfellow, ran off to join the Union Army. “I have tried hard to resist the temptation of going without your leave but I cannot any longer,” he wrote his father. “I feel it to be my first duty to do what I can for my country and I would willingly lay down my life for it if it would be of any good.” He apparently was not accepted into the infantry, owing to an accident years before when he shot off his thumb. So he applied to Captain W.H. McCartney, commander of Battery A of the 1st Massachusetts Artillery and asked to enlist. Captain McCartney, a friend of the family, wrote Longfellow, who gave permission even though he was greatly concerned. Longfellow tried to obtain preferment for his son by approaches to Sumner and others, but in the end, it was unnecessary;  Charles had been appointed lieutenant on his own merits.

Lt. Charles Appleton Longfellow

Lt. Longfellow’s first brush with combat came on the outskirts of the Battle of Chancellorsville, that great debacle which nearly crushed the vastly overwhelming Army of the Potomac. In early June Charles contracted typhoid fever and malaria and was invalided home to recover. He could not rejoin his unit until August 15, 1863, and thus missed Gettysburg. In September at Culpepper he witnessed an artillery round take off the legs of a man standing next to him. On November 27, he himself was severely wounded. In the Mine Run Campaign, while in a skirmish during the battle of New Hope Church, Virginia, he was shot in the left shoulder. The bullet traveled across his back, and exited under his right shoulder. He was carried by ambulance to the Rapidan River. On December 1, 1863, Longfellow learned of the catastrophe and immediately took his other son Ernest to Washington to recover Charles. They brought him home, reaching Cambridge on December 8. The wound proved too severe to allow Lt. Longfellow to return to his unit, and he was discharged on February 15, 1864.

And so Christmas 1863 was a time of great national and personal sorrow for Longfellow. But that morning he heard the church bells which would give him the hope that justice in the end would prevail.

Christmas Bells

from Flower-de-luce (Boston: Ticknor and Fields: 1867)

by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow

I heard the bells on Christmas Day
Their old, familiar carols play,
And wild and sweet
The words repeat
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!

And thought how, as the day had come,
The belfries of all Christendom
Had rolled along
The unbroken song
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!

Till, ringing, singing on its way,
The world revolved from night to day,
A voice, a chime,
A chant sublime
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!

Then from each black, accursed mouth
The cannon thundered in the South,
And with the sound
The carols drowned
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!

It was as if an earthquake rent
The hearth-stones of a continent,
And made forlorn
The households born
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!

And in despair I bowed my head;
“There is no peace on earth,” I said:
“For hate is strong,
And mocks the song
Of peace on earth, good-will to men!”

Then pealed the bells more loud and deep:
“God is not dead; nor doth he sleep!
The Wrong shall fail,
The Right prevail,
With peace on earth, good-will to men!”